Is our democracy in danger? In their book How Democracies Die, Harvard professors Steven Levitsky and Danial Ziblatt addressed the question. They have linked it with American politics. They argued that politicians in America treat their rivals as enemies, intimidate the free press, and threaten to reject the results of elections. Despite these challenges, Americans consider their democracy in safe hands and worry about democracies in other countries.
In the modern world, the most acceptable form of government is democracy, in which power rests with the people of one state. Citizens are the most powerful entity in a democratic state. Let’s have a look at Pakistan’s democracy, where power resides with one powerful institution rather than people. The fundamental question is: who has weakened democracy in Pakistan? To answer the question, we need to delve into the history of Pakistan.
Let’s start with the 1970s political disturbances, which divided the country into two halves. In the 1970s, our politicians were not ready to accept the election results. They did not want to accept someone else’s mandate. Their stubborn refusal paved the way for General Zia ul Haq, who put them behind bars. Likewise, in the 1990s, the same inflexibility among Pakistani politicians welcomed another military general, and that decade also ended with the rise of General Parvez Musharraf’s regime in 1999.
Nothing has been learned from the history of Pakistan. As we have experienced in the past, such narrow-mindedness and conceit might destroy Pakistan’s already fragile democracy. The political forces turn against one another and their continuous cycle of self-interested politics may remain detrimental to our nation. It would further strengthen the hold of anti-democratic forces in Pakistani politics. Mancur Olson mentioned in his book the term ‘free riders’ to refer to self-interested individuals who benefit from the public good without any contribution. We can use the word free riders for undemocratic elements who fulfill their objectives at any cost and have no concern with the democracy and economic stability of one state; rather, they distort the democratic portrait of one state for their personal gain.
Those riders have controlled the reins of Pakistan’s government since its creation. We are facing the consequences of those immature and avaricious decisions that our politicians have taken in the past. Rather than solving the current economic and political crisis in Pakistan through negotiations, our politicians are spitting venom against one another, which can benefit the free riders that exist in every country one way or another. Compared to developed countries, their power and influence are more pronounced in weak, war-torn, and non-democratic nations. It is possible to reduce their power, but only in a free democracy rather than a dictatorial one.
Unlike developed nations, Pakistan is also among those states where unseen hands, are a hurdle in a democratic process, have established their roots in constitution-making bodies. The dominance of invisible hands over constitutional-making bodies is due to our lawmakers’ immature behaviors. Our politicians have more expertise at revealing one another’s scandals in front of the public than making laws to strengthen democracy in Pakistan.
In Pakistan, where corruption, terrorism, inflation, and nepotism are at an all-time high, youth are longing for change despite observing the familiar faces in the new, corrupt system. It’s like an old wine in a new bottle. Unfortunately for our nation today, our youth have turned their attention to a leader who has a dream of development but no vision.
Pakistani youth wants to give one party total authority. They have elevated the party to the status of the nation’s saviour. Their unshakable and unwavering support has further expedited Pakistan’s democratic reversal process, which has increased people’s fear of democracy in the nation because of the clear shift in the nation’s political culture. Heraclitus was right when he stated that ‘all things are in motion; nothing steadfastly is.’
Our motion in the political arena is in the reverse direction, back to an undemocratic form of government due to the interests of a few individuals or groups. Censorship on media platforms, keeping political parties out of the race, and restrictions on speeches would further accelerate the backsliding process of democracy in the country. Instead of rationalising the prohibition of social media platforms, policymakers ought to explore alternative ways to address Pakistan’s current problems.
Our politicians should put their egos aside for negotiations in the nation’s interest to resolve the upcoming challenges to the country. But the fundamental question right now is: Can our politicians put aside their egos for negotiations? Can we save democracy in Pakistan, which is already on its deathbed?
The writer is an MPhil student of history from Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad.
The Democratic Decline
Is our democracy in danger? In their book How Democracies Die, Harvard professors Steven Levitsky and Danial Ziblatt addressed the question. They have linked it with American politics. They argued that politicians in America treat their rivals as enemies, intimidate the free press, and threaten to reject the results of elections. Despite these challenges, Americans consider their democracy in safe hands and worry about democracies in other countries.
In the modern world, the most acceptable form of government is democracy, in which power rests with the people of one state. Citizens are the most powerful entity in a democratic state. Let’s have a look at Pakistan’s democracy, where power resides with one powerful institution rather than people. The fundamental question is: who has weakened democracy in Pakistan? To answer the question, we need to delve into the history of Pakistan.
Let’s start with the 1970s political disturbances, which divided the country into two halves. In the 1970s, our politicians were not ready to accept the election results. They did not want to accept someone else’s mandate. Their stubborn refusal paved the way for General Zia ul Haq, who put them behind bars. Likewise, in the 1990s, the same inflexibility among Pakistani politicians welcomed another military general, and that decade also ended with the rise of General Parvez Musharraf’s regime in 1999.
Nothing has been learned from the history of Pakistan. As we have experienced in the past, such narrow-mindedness and conceit might destroy Pakistan’s already fragile democracy. The political forces turn against one another and their continuous cycle of self-interested politics may remain detrimental to our nation. It would further strengthen the hold of anti-democratic forces in Pakistani politics. Mancur Olson mentioned in his book the term ‘free riders’ to refer to self-interested individuals who benefit from the public good without any contribution. We can use the word free riders for undemocratic elements who fulfill their objectives at any cost and have no concern with the democracy and economic stability of one state; rather, they distort the democratic portrait of one state for their personal gain.
Those riders have controlled the reins of Pakistan’s government since its creation. We are facing the consequences of those immature and avaricious decisions that our politicians have taken in the past. Rather than solving the current economic and political crisis in Pakistan through negotiations, our politicians are spitting venom against one another, which can benefit the free riders that exist in every country one way or another. Compared to developed countries, their power and influence are more pronounced in weak, war-torn, and non-democratic nations. It is possible to reduce their power, but only in a free democracy rather than a dictatorial one.
Unlike developed nations, Pakistan is also among those states where unseen hands, are a hurdle in a democratic process, have established their roots in constitution-making bodies. The dominance of invisible hands over constitutional-making bodies is due to our lawmakers’ immature behaviors. Our politicians have more expertise at revealing one another’s scandals in front of the public than making laws to strengthen democracy in Pakistan.
In Pakistan, where corruption, terrorism, inflation, and nepotism are at an all-time high, youth are longing for change despite observing the familiar faces in the new, corrupt system. It’s like an old wine in a new bottle. Unfortunately for our nation today, our youth have turned their attention to a leader who has a dream of development but no vision.
Pakistani youth wants to give one party total authority. They have elevated the party to the status of the nation’s saviour. Their unshakable and unwavering support has further expedited Pakistan’s democratic reversal process, which has increased people’s fear of democracy in the nation because of the clear shift in the nation’s political culture. Heraclitus was right when he stated that ‘all things are in motion; nothing steadfastly is.’
Our motion in the political arena is in the reverse direction, back to an undemocratic form of government due to the interests of a few individuals or groups. Censorship on media platforms, keeping political parties out of the race, and restrictions on speeches would further accelerate the backsliding process of democracy in the country. Instead of rationalising the prohibition of social media platforms, policymakers ought to explore alternative ways to address Pakistan’s current problems.
Our politicians should put their egos aside for negotiations in the nation’s interest to resolve the upcoming challenges to the country. But the fundamental question right now is: Can our politicians put aside their egos for negotiations? Can we save democracy in Pakistan, which is already on its deathbed?
The writer is an MPhil student of history from Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad.
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