The dissenting Baloch street politics has always chosen its leaders over time. From the cadres of the Baloch Students Organization (BSO) to the leadership of the National Awami Party and beyond, history indicates that Baloch street politics resurges after every downfall. The recent upheaval features two prominent figures: Dr. Mahrang Baloch and Sammi Deen Baloch. The common factor throughout history and now is the Baloch street politics’ narrative of survival and defense of its land. Another consistent factor is that those in power still do not fully understand the Baloch psyche; otherwise, things might have turned out differently.
For the past 10 to 15 days, social media has been abuzz with one topic: the Baloch National Gathering, known in the Balochi language as Baloch Rajji Mucchi. This event was announced a few months ago by the Baloch Yakjethi Committee, with the venue and date disclosed later. Two days before the gathering, the Central Organizer of the Baloch Yakjethi Committee, Dr. Mahrang Baloch, stated in a video message, ‘The Baloch National Gathering is the voice of every Baloch that has been suppressed for the last 70 years.’
BYC’s Claim to Fame
The Baloch Yakjethi Committee has existed for some time now, but its popularity in the mainstream resulted from a series of protests in Quetta, other parts of Balochistan, and Karachi. The incident involving Bramsh Baloch, who was shot along with her mother in Turbat – she was injured and her mother was killed – led to a series of protests across Balochistan and Karachi, in 2020. This incident also led to the formation of the Bramsh Yakjethi Committee, which later became the Baloch Yakjethi Committee.
However, last year, the incident of Balach Mola Baksh sparked anguish among the Baloch masses, who marched behind Dr. Mahrang toward Islamabad. The Islamabad police’s harsh treatment and violence during the caretaker setup spread awareness of the case of missing and extra-judicially killed Baloch people to the people in Punjab and the capital. Despite limited coverage, the case made headlines in national and international newspapers. The BYC’s return to Quetta was welcomed by a huge crowd in Balochistan’s capital. The disappointed and frustrated youth of Balochistan chose leaders to rally behind. The BYC became popular through its events, protests, and social media presence. The important thing to note is that BYC is led by young people, the central leaders being the women. BYC is appealing to the masses because it doesn’t have any faces of the past from which the people faced disappointment. The mainstream nationalist parties now rely on BYC to protect its political capital among the masses.
The Violent Tragedies
People from different areas of Balochistan had left for Gwadar to attend the gathering scheduled for July 28th in caravans of buses, trucks, cars, bikes, and various other vehicles. The leadership had already issued statements indicating that the administration and security forces were blocking their way. Dr. Mahrang also held a press conference at the Quetta Press Club, stating, ‘The gathering will be in Gwadar and no other place.’ Social media feeds were filled with pictures of blood and videos of firing. Every caravan encountered problems reaching Gwadar. The situation in Balochistan was violent and tense. There were multiple incidents with lives lost both before the gathering and after it turned into a sit-in. In Mastung, Nushki, and at the Talar checkpost, videos that reached the capital showed loud noises and panicked people. The scheduled Gwadar gathering had now been divided into multiple sit-ins wherever the roads were blocked for the caravans. BYC reported deaths and injuries among their supporters as well as among government security personnel.
The Ground Situation in Gwadar
Some caravans successfully reached Gwadar, while others were unable to do so and staged sit-ins at multiple locations. Highways remained blocked, and the Iran border was closed. The BYC leadership announced to hold a sit-in on Marine Drive. Thousands of people were gathered, but reports soon emerged that internet and mobile services had been shut down in Gwadar and all adjacent areas. Entry and exit points to the city were closed, and highways remained blocked. Additionally, an alarming shortage of food and water had emerged, as most of the Mekran region depend on Iranian supplies, which were cut off. Shops are closed, port business were halted, and the fishing industry had been affected. According to Gwadar MPA Molana Hidayat-ur-Rehman, who announced his departure from the government and was seen on opposition benches the people were severely impacted by the shortages.
The Problematic Negotiations
There have been multiple rounds of talks between the BYC and the government. They were on the edge of ending the sit-in and government announced releasing all those arrested in connection with the gathering across Balochistan. Additionally, the Government of Balochistan (GoB) promised that it would contact the Sindh government to release all those arrested in Karachi. The points also included withdrawing FIRs, except for those involving loss of life.
Representatives from all parties in Gwadar, local leaders, BYC leadership, and the government engaged in talks and agreed on several points. However, on the second day, an incident in Nushki, which resulted in the deaths of two young men, created chaos once again. The sit-ins, which were supposed to end following the implementation of the agreed-upon terms, were extended. The BYC leadership said that while the government engages in talks, it simultaneously violates the agreed terms. Conversely, the government accused BYC leadership of not adhering to the agreed terms. As a result, the negotiations were at a deadlock.
Finally on August 8th, after a rally in Gwadar, Dr. Mahrang announced that the Government and BYC have reached an agreement once again and called off the sit-in. The sit-in crowd on the second day marched to Turbat and held a gathering of thousands. They also stopped at Panjgur and reports say that they are going to hold gatherings in different areas of Balochistan before coming back to the capital.
Government’s version
Chief Minister of Balochistan Sarfaraz Bugti issued a threat alert on the assembly floor before the Baloch National Gathering (Baloch Rajji Muchhi), of potential threats based on intelligence reports indicating a planned attack by militants. ‘They want to blame the state’, he said.
Nearly a week after the gathering turned into a sit-in protest, CM Bugti, in an interview with Talat Hussain, described the protesters as ‘legitimate’ representatives of the militants. He further criticised the Nationalist Parliamentary Parties of Balochistan, accusing them of exploiting the situation to maintain their political capital, while maintaining a different stance in private discussions.
This statement has raised questions. Bugti’s implication that the BYC holds enough influence to impact the political capital of other nationalist groups suggests he acknowledges their narrative’s popular strength. To the contrary, his assertion that nationalist parties project one position publicly while adopting a different stance privately calls into question the role of these mainstream nationalist parties.
DG-ISPR, in his press briefing, referred to the BYC as a foreign-funded proxy that has been launched to sabotage the developmental process in Balochistan. Days before his briefing, a group of women MPAs adopted a similar stance in a press conference and on the assembly floor. They stated that choosing Gwadar was intended to sabotage the second phase of CPEC. Meanwhile, the Minister for Home and Tribal Affairs of Balochistan, Zia Langove, has blamed the leaders in exile for inciting violence and conflict in Balochistan.
What lies ahead?
It is hard to predict or speculate anything, but the BYC leader Dr Mahrang, on the second day of ending the sit-in announced in Turbat gathering that ‘The movement has not ended but it has just begun.’ BYC seems determined to maintain its stance, as does the government. Even though a resolution is reached on the sit-in situation, given the difficult circumstances facing the people of Gwadar, the BYC series likely has many more episodes ahead. It is after a long time that Baloch street politics has been activated. In the case of Molana Hidyayat-ur-Rehman, the current MPA of Gwadar, the protests were limited to Gwadar. However, in this case, the BYC has chosen Gwadar as a platform to demonstrate its power, but it also has support across Balochistan. Their version of street politics appeals to the youth. The energetic women leading the movement are politically charged, and the long history of unending miseries, neglect, and harsh treatment by the federation is further strengthening their support. The situation is delicate, and people are angrier than those in other parts of Pakistan. The BYC has provided them with a platform and has described its struggle as a democratic fight for rights and justice. It now depends on those in power how they choose to approach the situation. However, the history of Balochistan offers many lessons.
The writer is a freelance journalist based in Quetta.
