In May, Pakistan-administered Kashmir (Azad Kashmir) saw protests erupting, as demonstrators demanded lower wheat flour prices, reduced electricity tariffs, and less privilege for the political elite. The 31-member Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC), representing various sectors, organised strikes and marches, which turned violent.
A police officer was possibly accidentally killed by a colleague in Islam Garh, Mirpur during JAAC protest on May 11. Three civilians were allegedly shot dead by Pakistani rangers near Muzaffarabad amidst clashes, leaving four rangers injured, one fatally on May 13. Approximately 100 people, mostly policemen, were injured, and many protesters were arrested during days of protests.
Tensions heightened when the JAAC called for a region-wide strike on May 11, urging the government to fulfill commitments made by an official reconciliation committee in December 2023, reinforced by a notification in February 2024.
In April, the JAAC planned to march on Muzaffarabad on May 11 due to perceived unfulfilled promises. A police crackdown aimed at preventing the march only escalated tensions, with strikes and protests intensifying until May 13.
This unrest followed months of protests, with the government pledging to alleviate citizens’ burdens but only committing to cost calculations. The JAAC had previously organised a similar strike in August of the preceding year.
On May 13, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s government responded to the unrest by transferring Rs 23 billion to the region. Key demands were addressed, including an increase in the wheat flour subsidy and a revision of electricity rates. The new electricity tariffs were set at Rs 3 per unit for up to 100 units, Rs 5 per unit for 100 to 300 units, and Rs 6 per unit for over 300 units. Additionally, the price of a 40 kg bag of flour was reduced from Rs 3,100 to Rs 2,000. Following these concessions, protesters called off their march, having achieved most of their demands.
Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif also announced that this would be a ‘permanent relief’ for the people of AJK, as the changes would be included in the budget for the next financial year. However, these grievances should have been addressed by the Pakistan-administered Kashmir government rather than the Pakistan government. Pakistan already provides electricity to Azad Kashmir at a subsidised rate of Rs 2.59 per unit, and the misdirected subsidy on flour by the Azad Kashmir government has been preventing people from fully benefiting from it.
The protests were driven by demands for more affordable electricity, specifically at hydropower generation costs. Despite receiving subsidised electricity from the Pakistani government at Rs 2.59 per unit, people of Pakistan-administered Kashmir faced exorbitant tariffs imposed by regional administrations. These high tariffs, compounded by 14 additional charges and taxes, severely burdened the local population. When NEPRA increased tariffs for Pakistan’s provinces last year, the Anwar-ul-Haq government in Pakistan-administered Kashmir followed suit but had to implement a moratorium due to strong public backlash. Until the new tariff was announced in May, electricity prices ranged from Rs 3.95 to Rs 35.22 per unit for domestic use and from Rs 24.83 to Rs 34.63 for commercial use.
The demand for an increase in wheat flour subsidies was one of the root causes behind the protests. Before the protests, the price of a 40kg bag of flour was Rs 3,100. In response to the protesters’ demands, the government of Pakistan reduced the price to Rs 2,000 per bag and will bear the additional cost for increasing the subsidy.
The Chief Secretary of Azad Kashmir stated that Rs 12 billion is allocated for wheat flour subsidies, further increased by the Pakistani government in response to unrest. However, the justification for this subsidy needs scrutiny.
The Agriculture Department claims that Azad Kashmir produces 150,000 tons of wheat annually, requiring the purchase of around 220,000 tons to meet needs, but the government purchases 300,000 tons annually. However, many people also consume maize flour and rice or purchase flour from the market, likely reducing the actual wheat requirement and leaving a potential 100,000 tons surplus.
There have been calls to provide subsidised wheat flour exclusively to those below the poverty line, which constitutes 25 per cent of the population according to UNDP estimates. It would be beneficial not to burden government Pakistan in covering the additional cost of the subsidy.
It would help not to burden Pakistan to cover the additional subsidy. However, the government has not adopted this strategy, likely due to pressure from mill owners benefiting from the current subsidy system. The issue of rampant smuggling and the open-market sale of flour, along with corruption leading to the premature sale of wheat before it reaches government godowns after being purchased from PASCO in Lahore, highlight serious flaws in the system.
Another key demand was the reduction of perks and privileges enjoyed by the political and administrative elite of Azad Kashmir, as well as a reduction in the bureaucratic structure.
Pakistan-administered Kashmir, with a population of just 2.7 million, is burdened by an inflated political and bureaucratic apparatus. In the 53-member assembly, there are 38 flag bearers, including the prime minister, speaker, deputy speaker, 32 ministers, two advisors, and one special assistant. They are supported by a vast bureaucracy comprising 24 secretaries, the Chief Secretary, and the Additional Chief Secretary General and Additional Chief Secretary Development. Former prime ministers and presidents enjoy extensive privileges, including lifelong pensions, vehicles, security details, personal secretaries, drivers, and a monthly fuel allowance of 400 liters. These benefits have sparked significant criticism from protesters, who argue that these resources could be better allocated to public welfare.
A particular concern is that many political and administrative leaders reside in Islamabad rather than Muzaffarabad, the capital city, leading to a disconnect from local issues. Despite promises to address these concerns through a judicial commission, more than a month has passed without any government action to constitute such a commission.
At the heart of the unrest lies a failure in service delivery by the Pakistan-administered Kashmir administration. Effective governance demands that Muzaffarabad proactively address legitimate concerns in a democratic manner. This includes reducing government bloat, ensuring adequate funding for public welfare, and making lawmakers accountable to their constituencies. The current unrest in Azad Jammu &
Kashmir highlights the urgent need for transparent and responsive governance. Without addressing these core issues, temporary financial injections and superficial policy changes will do little to quell the discontent. Both Islamabad and Muzaffarabad must heed this call for meaningful reform, ensuring that the voices of Azad Kashmir’s people are genuinely addressed.
The writer is a senior journalist based in Muzaffarabad.
Unrest in Azad Kashmir
In May, Pakistan-administered Kashmir (Azad Kashmir) saw protests erupting, as demonstrators demanded lower wheat flour prices, reduced electricity tariffs, and less privilege for the political elite. The 31-member Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC), representing various sectors, organised strikes and marches, which turned violent.
A police officer was possibly accidentally killed by a colleague in Islam Garh, Mirpur during JAAC protest on May 11. Three civilians were allegedly shot dead by Pakistani rangers near Muzaffarabad amidst clashes, leaving four rangers injured, one fatally on May 13. Approximately 100 people, mostly policemen, were injured, and many protesters were arrested during days of protests.
Tensions heightened when the JAAC called for a region-wide strike on May 11, urging the government to fulfill commitments made by an official reconciliation committee in December 2023, reinforced by a notification in February 2024.
In April, the JAAC planned to march on Muzaffarabad on May 11 due to perceived unfulfilled promises. A police crackdown aimed at preventing the march only escalated tensions, with strikes and protests intensifying until May 13.
This unrest followed months of protests, with the government pledging to alleviate citizens’ burdens but only committing to cost calculations. The JAAC had previously organised a similar strike in August of the preceding year.
On May 13, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s government responded to the unrest by transferring Rs 23 billion to the region. Key demands were addressed, including an increase in the wheat flour subsidy and a revision of electricity rates. The new electricity tariffs were set at Rs 3 per unit for up to 100 units, Rs 5 per unit for 100 to 300 units, and Rs 6 per unit for over 300 units. Additionally, the price of a 40 kg bag of flour was reduced from Rs 3,100 to Rs 2,000. Following these concessions, protesters called off their march, having achieved most of their demands.
Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif also announced that this would be a ‘permanent relief’ for the people of AJK, as the changes would be included in the budget for the next financial year. However, these grievances should have been addressed by the Pakistan-administered Kashmir government rather than the Pakistan government. Pakistan already provides electricity to Azad Kashmir at a subsidised rate of Rs 2.59 per unit, and the misdirected subsidy on flour by the Azad Kashmir government has been preventing people from fully benefiting from it.
The protests were driven by demands for more affordable electricity, specifically at hydropower generation costs. Despite receiving subsidised electricity from the Pakistani government at Rs 2.59 per unit, people of Pakistan-administered Kashmir faced exorbitant tariffs imposed by regional administrations. These high tariffs, compounded by 14 additional charges and taxes, severely burdened the local population. When NEPRA increased tariffs for Pakistan’s provinces last year, the Anwar-ul-Haq government in Pakistan-administered Kashmir followed suit but had to implement a moratorium due to strong public backlash. Until the new tariff was announced in May, electricity prices ranged from Rs 3.95 to Rs 35.22 per unit for domestic use and from Rs 24.83 to Rs 34.63 for commercial use.
The demand for an increase in wheat flour subsidies was one of the root causes behind the protests. Before the protests, the price of a 40kg bag of flour was Rs 3,100. In response to the protesters’ demands, the government of Pakistan reduced the price to Rs 2,000 per bag and will bear the additional cost for increasing the subsidy.
The Chief Secretary of Azad Kashmir stated that Rs 12 billion is allocated for wheat flour subsidies, further increased by the Pakistani government in response to unrest. However, the justification for this subsidy needs scrutiny.
The Agriculture Department claims that Azad Kashmir produces 150,000 tons of wheat annually, requiring the purchase of around 220,000 tons to meet needs, but the government purchases 300,000 tons annually. However, many people also consume maize flour and rice or purchase flour from the market, likely reducing the actual wheat requirement and leaving a potential 100,000 tons surplus.
There have been calls to provide subsidised wheat flour exclusively to those below the poverty line, which constitutes 25 per cent of the population according to UNDP estimates. It would be beneficial not to burden government Pakistan in covering the additional cost of the subsidy.
It would help not to burden Pakistan to cover the additional subsidy. However, the government has not adopted this strategy, likely due to pressure from mill owners benefiting from the current subsidy system. The issue of rampant smuggling and the open-market sale of flour, along with corruption leading to the premature sale of wheat before it reaches government godowns after being purchased from PASCO in Lahore, highlight serious flaws in the system.
Another key demand was the reduction of perks and privileges enjoyed by the political and administrative elite of Azad Kashmir, as well as a reduction in the bureaucratic structure.
Pakistan-administered Kashmir, with a population of just 2.7 million, is burdened by an inflated political and bureaucratic apparatus. In the 53-member assembly, there are 38 flag bearers, including the prime minister, speaker, deputy speaker, 32 ministers, two advisors, and one special assistant. They are supported by a vast bureaucracy comprising 24 secretaries, the Chief Secretary, and the Additional Chief Secretary General and Additional Chief Secretary Development. Former prime ministers and presidents enjoy extensive privileges, including lifelong pensions, vehicles, security details, personal secretaries, drivers, and a monthly fuel allowance of 400 liters. These benefits have sparked significant criticism from protesters, who argue that these resources could be better allocated to public welfare.
A particular concern is that many political and administrative leaders reside in Islamabad rather than Muzaffarabad, the capital city, leading to a disconnect from local issues. Despite promises to address these concerns through a judicial commission, more than a month has passed without any government action to constitute such a commission.
At the heart of the unrest lies a failure in service delivery by the Pakistan-administered Kashmir administration. Effective governance demands that Muzaffarabad proactively address legitimate concerns in a democratic manner. This includes reducing government bloat, ensuring adequate funding for public welfare, and making lawmakers accountable to their constituencies. The current unrest in Azad Jammu &
Kashmir highlights the urgent need for transparent and responsive governance. Without addressing these core issues, temporary financial injections and superficial policy changes will do little to quell the discontent. Both Islamabad and Muzaffarabad must heed this call for meaningful reform, ensuring that the voices of Azad Kashmir’s people are genuinely addressed.
The writer is a senior journalist based in Muzaffarabad.
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